From Russia with love?
从俄国带着友善而来？
Apr 4th 2008 | BUCHAREST
From The Economist print edition
Translation cvx555888
Vladimir Putin's pragmatic approach
普京的务实路线
VLADIMIR PUTIN knows he is a master of political theatre. “There is a religious tremor before any of my speeches,” he said at the end of the NATO summit on Friday April 5th. And so there was. Attending his first gathering of the alliance in six years (and his last before stepping down from the presidency), would Mr Putin again fulminate against the West after its decision a day earlier to embrace missile defence? Or would he gloat over his success in intimidating NATO into denying (for now) Ukraine and Georgia the next step towards membership?
普京知道他是政治舞台的大师级人物。他在4月5日北约峰会闭幕那天说到：“我的每次演讲都会引起极大震动。“这次也一样。这是他六年之中第一次参加北约峰会（也是卸任总统前的最后一次），普京会再次严厉抨击西方此前一天做出的部署导弹防御系统的决定吗？抑或是他在为成功迫使北约暂时否决乌克兰和格鲁吉亚加入北约而窃喜？
He adopted a pragmatic approach. There were well-known disagreements but “no ping-pong match of mutual blame”, he said, adding, apparently pleased, that “our concerns have been heard”. Russia would seek to co-operate constructively with the alliance where possible, though he was scornful of the Western mantra that membership of it encourages stability and democracy. “NATO is not a democratisator”, suggested an official translation.
他走的是务实路线。俄罗斯和西方确实有矛盾，但是他说”我们并没有没完没了的互相指责“，他还高兴的说道”俄罗斯的关切受到了重视“。尽管他对西方声称的加入北约可以促进稳定与民主的说法嗤之以鼻，按照官方翻译，他说：”北约不是民主布道者。“，但是他还会寻求与北约的建设性合作。
The man who once mused about Russia's joining the alliance declared that it does not aspire to be a member. Now he sees the spread of NATO along Russia’s borders as a “direct threat” to its security. He questioned the allies' ambition to play a global role (not just militarily, but also in cyber-security and protecting energy supplies). “Against whom does NATO exist?”, he asked.
这位曾认真考虑过让俄罗斯加入北约的总统先生如今却宣称俄罗斯并不渴望成为北约一员。他视北约沿俄罗斯边境的东扩为对其安全的”直接威胁“。他质疑北约想要扮演全球性角色（不仅在军事方面，还包括信息安全和保护能源供应）。他问道：“北约是针对谁而存在的？”
The unspoken answer, for many European countries, is “Russia”. Fear of the Kremlin explains why Georgia and the Ukrainian government (if not necessarily most Ukrainians) want to move closer to NATO. Former communist states are the keenest advocates of NATO expansion from its old transatlantic position towards the Black Sea and even, one day, to the Caspian Sea.
对许多欧洲国家来说，这个不言而喻的答案就是俄罗斯。对克里姆林宫的恐惧可以解释为什么格鲁吉亚和乌克兰（就算未得到多数人民支持）想要与北约走得更近。过去的共产主义国家现在成了北约从大西洋扩张至黑海甚至里海的最积极的支持者。
It was the countries of “old” Europe, led by Germany, that balked at granting the two states the next stage of accession, known as the “Membership Action Plan” causing a particularly bitter debate. In the end the compromise was to look again at the matter in a meeting in December, along with a promise that Ukraine and Georgia “will become members”—one day.
在是否允许两国进入“成员国行动计划”下一阶段这一问题上踌躇不决的正是以德国为首的一些所谓的“老”欧洲国家，由此引起了特别激烈的辩论。最后峰会承诺将在12月份的会议上重新审查这个问题，并且保证格乌两国将来一定会成为北约成员国。
This was a tactical success for Mr Putin, even if Ukraine and Georgia chose to interpret it as a victory for their long-term ambitions. But NATO's agreement to sign up to much of America's plans for missile defence in Europe was a blow for the Russian leader. The allies agreed that a proliferation of missiles poses an increasing threat, and welcomed the planned deployment of defence systems in Poland and the Czech Republic as a substantial contribution to their security—they will even study ways to extend it to cover countries, such as Turkey, that are not protected, and to link it to NATO's own planned defences against short-range missiles.
就算乌克兰和格鲁吉亚把这解释成长远意义上的胜利，普京至少还是赢得了战术性胜利。但北约同意签署大部分美国在欧洲的导弹防御计划对俄领导人来说是当头一棒。北约国家领导人认为，导弹扩散造成了日益严重的威胁，美国计划在波兰和捷克部署的导弹防御系统能够在保护北约成员国集体安全方面发挥“实质性”作用，北约有关部门将研究北约正在研发的战区导弹防御系统与美国反导系统对接的可能性，以确保那些没有受到美国反导系统覆盖的成员国能够得到安全保障，比如土耳其。
Russia has until now regarded the missile shield as an attempt to neutralise, whether immediately or in the future, its nuclear arsenal. Mr Putin seemed to tone down his criticism, saying that a dialogue with America to increase “transparency and trust” over the system would continue at a summit with George Bush in Russia at the weekend.
俄罗斯至今把这一计划看作是使俄核武库丧失作用的举措。普京似乎给他的抨击降了调，他说将会与周末到访的布什继续探讨增加在这一系统上的“透明和互信”。
America has offered to delay switching on its system until a real threat,probably from Iran, emerges. Who would decide this remains unclear. America has also suggested having Russian liaison officers at the installations.
美国提意推迟开启这一系统，直道真正的威胁（可能来自伊朗）出现，但能否作出这一决定还不明朗。美国还建议在这一系统中安排俄罗斯联络人。
Russia, for its part, says that the interceptors should not be deployed in Poland until the threat is real, and wants the tracking radar in the Czech Republic to be cemented into the ground so that it cannot be moved. It has also suggested integrating some of its own early-warning radars. Moreover, Mr Putin wants some sort of hand in the management and operation of the system.
俄国称不应在波兰部署这套装置直到真正威胁出现，还希望把部署在捷克的跟踪雷达安装到地下水泥体中，以防止其机动部署。俄还建议把它自己的一些早期预警雷达纳入系统中。普京甚至还想在某种程度上参与系统的管理和操作。
At his press conference in Bucharest Mr Putin was asked how he felt about giving up the presidency next month (to become prime minister). “There is nothing to be sorry about. This a long awaited freedom”, he said. The past eight years saw “resurrection for Russia. With a strong independent state, and a strong foreign posture.”
在布加勒斯特的新闻发布会上，普京被问到对即将卸任总统有何感想（他将成为总理）。普京说：“这没有什么可遗憾的，我终于自由了。”过去八年见证了“一个独立自主的有强大外交实力的俄罗斯的重新崛起。”